Buckets, Bags and Engines at the Boston Massacre

I'll be portraying a citizen of Boston at this year's commemoration of the Boston Massacre who, responding to the ringing of church bells at an unaccustomed hour, turned out thinking there was a fire.  There are numerous contemporary accounts in eyewitness testimony that describe people in the crowd carrying fire buckets and other equipment, at least two fire engines hauled to the vicinity of the confrontation at the Customs House, and people asking directions to a fire.  I've decided to adopt the persona of one of these eyewitnesses, Thomas Wilkinson, who reported:

"The Old South bell rung for nine as usual; about a quarter after I heard Mr. Cooper's bell ring, I went out and saw the Old South engine hauled out.  I ran down as far as the town pump.  There seemed to be a considerable body of people, and some with buckets...The Old Brick bell began to ring, and the people seemed to come along fast, with buckets and bags."

Wilkinson describes a full array of fire-fighting responses from the citizens of Boston, although there was, in fact, no fire.  Fellow Bostonian John Colburn recounted;

"being alarmed by the cry of fire and ringing of bells, ran out of my house with my bags and buckets; upon going to Mr. Payne's door, he told me it was not fire, it was a riot. I sent my buckets home again..."

Newtown Prince, another witness to the events that night, recalled "When the bells rung I was at my own house.  I run to the door and heard the cry of fire.  I went out and asked where the fire was; somebody said it was something better than fire.  I met some with clubs, some with buckets and bags, and some running before me with sticks in their hands."

Dr. John Jeffries and William Whittington gave similar testimony:

Dr. John Jeffries - "I then passed up the alley myself into Cornhill; as soon as I got out of the alley I heard the Old Brick bell ring.  There were many in the street running, some with buckets, inquiring where the fire was..."

William Whittington - "In a little time I heard the bells ring, and made a stop and asked what was the matter?  They said fire.  I saw several people with buckets, &c., and I asked them where they were going?  They said there is fire somewhere."

Just what were these buckets, bags and engines described by these and other witnesses to the Boston Massacre? 

Boston had a long history of fire-fighting, developing an elaborate system of public and private resources to respond to blazes and protect life and property.  The first fire engine, a wheeled wooden reservoir equipped with hand pumps and a nozzle, was imported for use in the Town in 1678, a year which also saw the establishment of the first paid fire department.  By 1770 there were ten fire engines in Boston, including two that were the very first built in America, constructed by local blacksmith and engine captain David Wheeler. The Selectmen's Minutes from March 10th, 1766 record:

" Mess^rs. John Green and David Wheeler having at their own cost and charge, built and Compleated a Fire Engine, which upon tryal does honor to the Country as well as to the Constructers; the use thereof on all Ocassions by means of Fire that may happen they may offer the Town, provided they will keep the same in good repair, and allow the Men belonging thereto, the Exceptions and Priviledges indulged the other Engine-Men - it is therefore Voted that the Town do accept the said generous proposal."

The following week David Wheeler was appointed Captain of the new engine, designated No. 10 and called the Green Engine. Later that year in November, Wheeler proposed building an Engine House at Pond Lane near the intersection with Newbury Street. Although David Wheeler was later replaced as Engine Captain, other Wheelers maintained control of the Engine. On the night of the Massacre, one participant testified that Wheeler's engine responded to the bells.

Thomas Greenwood - "...spending the evening at Mrs. Wheeler's, I was alarmed by the bells ringing and the people's crying fire, upon which I turned out with Mrs. Wheeler's three sons and helped Mr. Wheeler's engine as far as the Old South meeting house."

It should be noted that his contemporaries considered Greenwood an unreliable witness - he was a servant to the Customs collectors and gave wildly conflicting testimony about his involvement in the "Massacre"- but this detail may, in itself, be more credible. From No.10's Engine House to the South Meeting House was about three long blocks, a bit more than half the distance to the head of King Street at the Town House.

We already know from Thomas Wilkinson's report that the Old South Engine (No. 7) was out at this time, and probably was one of the two later reported together at King Street by eyewitness Benjamin Frizwell:

"The deponent proceeded about his business, as far as Wheeler's Point, and while there, the bell rang as usual for fire, and he with others ran to the Town-house; two engines being there drawn, the men attending, left them on the west end of the Town-house." 

According to another participant, Benjamin Davis; "I...went into King street, and saw some with buckets; the engine was in King street, but nobody with it."  He may be referring either to the South Engine or to the one kept at the Town House - No. 5, called The Marlborough Engine - that would have been closest to the commotion. Shubael Hewes, who was south of the Custom Hosue when the bells began ringing, reported;  

"I spent the evening with an acquaintance near the Town dock; sitting in the room, the Master of the house came into the room, and said fire was cried, and the bells a ringing; as I belonged to the engine, I was first out of the door, with my surtout and stick...I thought I should meet our engine coming down the lane or Cornhill..."  

Mr. Hewes belonged to Engine No. 5, and would succeed its long-serving Engine Captain Thomas Read in 1772.

From this we can conclude that at least two fire engines reached the head of King Street by the North end of the Town House (No. 5 and No. 7.) when the bells rang, and perhaps one more responded at least part way (Engine No. 10).

The paid fire companies were not the only ones who turned out that night, however. There were also
volunteer Fire Societies, associations of 25 to 30 neighbors and merchants who pledged to come to each others' assistance in case of fire. Some of the regulations and orders of these ancient associations have been preserved. One of the more colorfully named was the Anti-Stamp Fire Company, established in 1763 but evidently renamed when it published its bylaws in 1765 (republished in 1776). In addition to specifying fines for member non-attendance or non-compliance, the rules of the Society made specific mention of fire equipment that each member was to maintain and bring with him in case of fire:

Jonathon Rowe's Fire Bucket

Fire buckets were made of leather and waterproofed with pitch.   They sometime bore elaborate "folk art" designs in addition to the identifying names and numbers associated with their owners.  Fire Societies sometimes painted their motto on their buckets, though I have been unable find documentation for any that may have been associated with the Anti-Stamp F.S.   It is tempting to imagine the thundering words of James Otis rendered as a Latin motto, and I could not resist doing so, but it is purely conjectural:

                Tributum Çine RepræÇentatione Tryannus eÇt.

The other fire-fighting equipment referenced in the rules of the society was standard salvage gear.  Once a blaze took hold, the threat to personal household property was of more immediate urgency than saving the structure, which in turn was a threat to the Town.  While some members formed bucket brigades, others used their fire bags to rescue items from the burning buildings.  These bags were made of linen duck or other strong canvas, and often had a draw string to secure their contents.  A surviving Portsmouth, New Hampshire fire bag used during this period by a member of a local Fire Society appears at right.

The reference to a "Bed-Winch" actually indicates a bed-wrench, a specialized forged iron tool used to disassemble the heavy wooden beds that  were often the most valuable possession in the household. These wrenches included ends that could draw recessed bolts that joined the posts and the frames of the bedstead.  Though their form and complexity evolved over time, bed-wrenches or bed keys remained an essential part of the fire-fighter's tool kit well into the 19th century.

The fact that many people turned out for a fire when the alarm bells rang was an important point of testimony during the aftermath of the Boston Massacre.  It was necessary to establish what people held in their hands, whether buckets and bags or more dangerous items such as clubs, because it could very well affect the verdict if the soldiers acted in self defense.  Thomas Wilkinson thought there was a fire, and he described buckets, bags and engines in his account.  Although one cannot be certain that he brought any fire-fighting supplies to the scene himself, I am prepared to play him that way, with bucket in hand, when the showdown at the Customs House plays out once again this year for the Boston Massacre commemoration.  It remains to be seen whether I shall take liberties with the motto or stick to the plain requirements of name and number.

_________________________________________________________________________________
Sources:

Arthur W. Brayley; A Complete History of the Boston Fire Department: Including the Fire-Alarm Service and the Protective Department; from 1630 to 1888; Boston, Massachusetts: John P. Dale & Co., 1889

Frederick Kidder, History of the Boston Massacre,, March 5, 1770, Consisting of the Narrative of the Town, the Trial of the Soldiers, and a Historical Introduction; Albany, New York: Joel Munsell, 1870

"Rules and Orders to be Observed by the Anti-Stamp Fire Society", 1763

"Rules and Orders to be Observed by the Anti-Stamp Fire Society, Instituted at Boston, October 1763, Revised and Corrected November 1776"

Selectmen's Minutes (vol 7) 1769-1775; Boston, Massachusetts; Rockwell & Churchill, 1893

Making Elias a Middy: Recreating a Royal Navy Midshipman, circa 1765

Overmantle painting of Newport Harbor circa 1740

During last year's commemoration of the 250th anniversary of the Newport Stamp Tax "Protest", my friend Greg Hurley (one of the rioting seamen) observed that my then twelve-year-old son Elias would make a splendid midshipman, and said that he had always wanted to do a proper press gang scenario lead by an age-appropriate junior naval officer.  The seed of that casual remark germinated into a full on reenactment of an episode of resistance to Royal Navy impressment in Colonial Newport in 1765 that will take place under the auspices of the Newport Historical Society at the end of this month (August 27th, 2016).  Elias will indeed be a 13-year-old Royal Navy midshipman, and I will be among the American seamen opposing his efforts to man H.M.S. Maidstone with pressed seamen from the Colony.

Midshipman Augustus Brine (1782) by Copley
The Metropolitan Museum of Art

It helps that Elias looks remarkably like the adolescent (and even younger) boys who served as Royal Navy midshipmen during the latter half of the 18th Century - the golden age of the mullet.  Because he has hit a major growth spurt, adding as much as an inch of height every six weeks, outfitting him in hand sewn, authentic clothing that he may soon outgrow was a major commitment, but the opportunity to really pull off this impression convinced us to try.

As part of the research for his impression, I went to the Metropolitan Museum of Art to view the Copley portrait of Augustus Brine, at left, as well as reviewing a number of other images of portraits of Midshipman dating between 1770 and 1782.  Eli and I plan to return to NYC in full seafaring rig in September to pose alongside Copley's wonderful painting of his 18th century doppelganger.

The 1765 period of our depiction was a transitional one in Royal Navy uniforms and included both dress and undress "frock uniform" coats for commissioned naval officers, but just one coat used for all occasions by midshipmen. 

The midshipman, though a young gentleman, straddled the world of the seaman and sea-officer.  Prior to 1748, there was no official uniform prescribed for officers in the Royal Navy.  Orders from the Admiralty in April 13, 1748 specified that

“persons acting as Midshipmen should like-wise have a uniform clothing in order to distinguish their Class to be in the Rank of Gentlemen, and give them better credit and figure in executing the commands of their superior officers”

Captain John Bentinck and his son William Bentinck
(in the uniform of the Naval Academy at Portsmouth)
painted in 1775 by Mason Chamberlin,
in collection of Royal Museums Greenwich

It took a long time for sea-officers' clothing to become truly uniform, and within twenty years the gorgeous, heavily laced uniforms of Admirals and Captains gave way in 1768 to unlaced frock uniforms being used for formal occasions.  As for the midshipmen, their coats saw minor changed between 1748 and 1774, the most notable being the reduction in size of their white coat sleeve cuffs in accordance with prevailing fashion, and  a white collar tab and button on the outside of the collar instead of wearing the initial high collar of 1748 turned down to expose the white lining.  Buttons were either gold or brass, but the distinctive anchor associated with uniform buttons of sea-officers of higher rank after 1787 are extremely rare in portraits of midshipmen prior to the end of the American Revolution.  As Elias's coat was intended for sea service in the mid-1760s and perhaps beyond until he outgrows it, we settled on a coat that would work well from about 1765 to the end of the American Revolution.

Matthew Brenckle, an historian with the U.S.S. Constitution whose thesis research included examination of an extraordinary range of surviving artifacts and textiles recovered from 18th century shipwrecks, made both the Midshipman's coat and hat for Elias's impression.   During our event at Newport, Matthew will portray 1st Lieutenant Cuthbert Baines of H.M.S. Maidstone, a 6th rate ship on customs duty in North America between 1763-1766.  The precise cut of the uniform coat was determined by him, including the pleated skirts and dropped waist.  

Our choices for an appropriate wool were extremely limited.  Had their been any available, the most expensive option

RN Midshipman's Coat 1765-1782
by Matthew Brenckle

would have been to use Kochan & Phillips Superfine, but happily we discovered an excellent alternative that proved to be a perfect color match for surviving British navy coats of this period.  This was from Burnley & Trowbridge, listed as Indigo Fine Wool Broadcloth.  It is a shade too light for Continental Army uniforms but perfect for our purposes, and cheaper by 350% than K&P.   The coat lining and cuffs are white wool that Matthew had on hand, and the sleeves are also appropriately lined.  We used large, slightly domed gold plated buttons for the coat front and the non functional sleeve placets for its distinctive mariner's cuffs.  The coat has false buttonholes and closes with two hooks and eyes. The hat was made from rabbit fur felt and features a silk cockade and gold wire loop and button.  Matt is an incredible tailor and hatter and was extremely generous with his time and effort for this project.

As for small clothes, there were several factors to consider.  The greatest of these was to find a tailor willing to take on this project after an initial proposal with another tailor fell through due to completely understandable life challenges.  Much to my delight and relief, the partner of one of the other regular participants at Newport living history events agreed to take on not only Elias's waistcoat and trowser needs for this impression but also a pair of breeches he badly needed in order to participate in other events last June.  Lorraine Scripture did a phenomenal job with all three hand-sewn garments using measurements and materials that I provided and I recommend her work most highly.
I decided to go with a more formal waistcoat in Natural White K&P wool backed and lined in 5.75oz.

Waistcoat fabric and notions

100% Shirt Linen from William Booth, Draper.  The waistcoat has 5/8" small slightly domed gold gilt buttons from Benno's Buttons and Trimmings, and they are corded so that other buttons could be substituted if desired. 

Because Elias is growing very rapidly and because he will be leading a shore party on press duty, I elected to go with less formal trowsers rather than breeches.  These were made from 100% Hemp 12.5 oz Russia Sheeting from Wm. Booth, Draper and would have been issued directly from the ship's slops.  There are several portraits of midshipman and naval cadets between 1775-1782 wearing trowsers, including HRH Prince William Henry, Midshipman of H.M.S. Prince George.  The Prince wears his trowsers long, and Elias has some room in the leg as well as the waist in his pair.  With luck he will still be able to use them next year, though undoubtedly with ankles bare.

H.R.H. Prince William Henry (1782)
 engraving after Benjamin West

Elias wears a black silk neck handkerchief and clocked silk stockings (though the latter are barely visible).  He has a plain white linen shirt but I fashioned a small jabot for him to wear poking above the waistcoat collar and beneath the neck cloth.  His long blond hair will be left loose and undressed, which is startling to some 18th century reenactors who expect his hair to be worn in a formal queue, but is true to naval fashion in this period.  HRH Prince William Henry (shown at right) wears his in a queue, but other Middies, be the lordings or middlings, are shown in portraits with their locks unbound. 

Likewise, while midshipmen of the Napoleonic period wore a distinctive dirk, those of the mid to latter 18th century seem to have carried hangers or cutlasses more typical of this period, most often shown in portraits as worn from a waist belt carriage.  After much deliberation, I elected to have Elias carry a 1750s -1770s era hanger with a lion's head pummel, worn with a 1750's era waist belt with a Double D buckle, the latter of which I already owned.  Very little of this belt is visible but what shows is period appropriate.

Midshipman Hickey Brayton (1780)

He also needed new shoes.  Having invested considerable time and treasure in this impression, I decided that he needed shoes appropriate to his station but settled for machine made.   I found what I needed in the smooth side out Ligonier model from Fugawee, with a wide, rectangular pair of roped shoe buckles in tinned brass.

We had the chance to photograph Elias wearing his full kit with Buzzards Bay as the backdrop during a family vacation in Wareham, MA last week.   The impression will have its shakedown cruise this Sunday when he portrays Midshipman John Loring, 3rd youngest of the notorious loyalist Joshua Loring, at the Loring Homestead in Jamaica Plain, Boston. 

Then, on August 27th in Newport,  he will stand in for 2nd Lieut. William Jenkins of H.M.S. Maidstone, 1st Lieut. Cuthbert Baines, acting Commander in the absense of Captain Charles Antrobus.  There will be half a dozen royal navy seamen in authentic 1760s kit serving in his press gang, and a motley crew of wharf rats, coasters, wood-boat men, merchant seamen and other denizens of the town and Colony on hand, as well as a 36-foot RN gig and a 17-foot fishing dory as part of this event.  I'll post more about that in the coming weeks.  

For now, enjoy the debut of Midshipman Elias, the sharpest snotty that ever was.  He has a bit or room to grow in the sleeve and pant leg, a bit more at the waist, which is a blessing considering how fast he is sprouting.

Hightlights from the 2016 Boston Massacre Reenactment

I got Massacred In Boston,
and all I got was this lousy Striped Calamanco Waistcoat

The March 5, 2016 reenactment of the Boston Massacre attracted dedicated historical interpreters from near and far, with contingents traveling up from Virginia, down from Ticonderoga and from many parts in between.  There were scores of impressions on display of the highest caliber, and still there is talk among participants about how to raise the bar for next year's event.  It was an honor to be involved with such a well-researched and presented depiction of this moment in history.  It was also a hoot.

Attention to detail: the Regimental Coat of the 29th Foot as issued before the 1768 Royal Warrant

Backstage (below stairs) at the Old State House

An apprentice and a gentleman of Boston

Grenadiers of the 29th and a seafaring man

Drummer of the 29th

Captain Preston of the 29th

Formation of the guard

Sentry by the Custom House

Samuel Gray in an uncharacteristically amicable association  with a Pve. of the 29th Foot.

Wharf Rats

At Union Oyster House (1st of several visits this day)

graveside

The Fallen

Enter, Stage Right

A dapper fellow

Samuel Gray at the Old State House

Lower sorts

The Vein Openers

Being Samuel Gray: Interpreting a Central Figure from the Boston Massacre (Part V and last)

Detail from a sketch of the Massacre Site attributed to Paul Revere

When rope worker Samuel Gray arrived on King-street the second and final time on the night of the Boston Massacre,  events had nearly reached a climax.  Benjamin Davis, Jr., who was one of the witnesses for the defense, stated during questioning that "I do not suppose he could have got into King Street two minutes before the firing."  It was then that he was shot dead in the street, suffering a massive head wound.  His fate was recorded in the Boston Gazette and Country Journal a week after the shooting:

“The Dead are Mr. Samuel Gray, killed on the spot, the ball entering his head and beating off a large portion of the skull…”

What did Gray do during those final minutes of life?   Did he stand by, passively observing with arms folded to keep his hands warm, or did he encourage the members of the crowd to stand firm?  Was he unarmed, or did he carry the stick that Davis remembered him having but others claimed he did not?  What does the evidence suggest about the clothes he may have worn and precisely when he fell?

One of the first depositions to mention Gray's actions was given by Charles Hobby, taken on March 20th, 1770 "to perpetuate the remembrance of the thing" and recorded as No. 44 in the Town's Narrative of the Boston Massacre.

…I saw the mulatto fall, and Mr. Samuel Gray went to look at him, one of the soldiers at a distance of about four to five yards, pointed his piece directly for the said Gray’s head and fired. Mr Gray, after struggling, turned himself right around upon his heel and fell dead. Capt. Preston some time after ordered them to march to the guard-house. I then took up a round hat and followed the people that carried him down to a house near the post office.”

Thanks to Hobby's recollection, a round hat seems an appropriate choice of head covering for an historical interpretation of Samuel Gray's clothing.  Hobby is the only witness who testified that Gray was looking at Attucks lying on the ground when he himself was shot.  Others had him falling at about the same time.

Ebenezer Brigham testified for the prosecution at the trial of the soldiers of the 29th regiment, during which it became clear that Private Matthew Killroy had fired the weapon that killed Gray.

“I saw Gray fall...He fell in the middle of the street…the gun that killed him must have been nearer to the Center.”

Watchman Edward G. Langford also testified for the prosecution.  He gave a detailed account of Gray's last moments:

"Samuel Gray, who was shot that night, came and struck me on the shouldered, and said ‘ Langford, what’s here to pay?’…I looked this man (pointing to Killroy), in the face, and bid him not fire, but he immediately fired, and Samuel Gray fell at my feet…"

Q) "How many guns went off before he fired?"
A) "Two, but I saw nobody fall. Gray fell close to me. I was standing , leaning on my stick.”
Q) "Did Gray say anything to Killroy before he fired?"
A) "He spoke to nobody but me."
Q) "Did he throw any snow-balls?"
A) "No, nor had he any weapon in his hand, he was naked as I am now.”
Q) "Did you see anything thrown?"
A) "No, I saw nothing at all thrown of any kind."
Q) "Was you talking with Gray at the time the gun went off?"
A) "I did not speak with him at that instant, but I had been talking with him several times before that."
Q) "Was you near Gray, that if he had thrown anything you must have seen it?"
A) "Yes, his hands were in his bosom, and immediately after Killroy’s firing, he fell…”
...
Q) "Have you any doubt in your mind that it was that gun of Killroy’s that killed Gray?"
A) "No manner of doubt: It must have been it, for there was no other gun discharged at that time…”
Q) After Gray fell, did he (Killroy) thrust at him with his bayonet?
A)  "No, it was at me he pushed."
Q) "Did gray say anything to Killroy, or Killroy to him?"
A)  "No, not to my knowledge, and I stood close by him."
Q)  "Did you perceive Killroy take aim at Gray?"
A)  "I did not: He was as liable to kill me as him."

This was crucial evidence for the prosecution, for if it could be shown that Gray was unarmed and not acting in a hostile manner, it supported a charge against Killroy of deliberate murder. For the historical interpreter, it provides a line of dialogue and a pose for Gray to assume before being shot. "His hands were in his bosom" might suggest they were inside an outer garment, perhaps for warmth, or they might have been tucked under his arm pits. Sam Adams later paraphrased Langford's description of Gray, saying "his arms were folded in his bosom."  I've tried it both ways, and find it easier and more natural to place my hands across my chest and under my arms than to unbutton a jacket or coat and stick them inside. That is probably the way I will play it this Saturday during the Massacre reenactment.

Samuel Gray, "hands... in his bosom", option 1

Samuel Gray, "arms folded in his bosom", option 2 (with stick)

Joseph Hinkley was a witness for the defense, and he described Gray as more actively engaged in the mob:

"…Samuel Gray, who was shot that night, clapped me on the shoulder, and said do not run, my lad, they dare not fire, and he ran back and forth among the people and clapped others on the back as he did me."

Q) "Had he anything in his hand?"
A) "I think not: I looked to my left soon after the guns were fired, and saw him on the ground, and with the help of some others, carried him to Dr. Loring’s shop, but could not get in, and left him there."
Q) "Did you see anybody go up to Gray, and thrust at him with a bayonet?"
A) "No I did not see it."
Q) "How near did he fall to the soldiers?"
A) "He was in the middle of the street."
…
Q) "How near was you to Gray?"
A) "About three or four yards distance."

Hinkley's evidence helped John Adams argue that Killroy acted in self defense.  According to his version, Gray encouraged the crowd to stand because the soldiers would not shoot without authorization from a higher authority than Captain Preston.  Past experience during the ropewalk brawls and other confrontations may have encouraged this idea, and indeed the "rules of engagement", to use the modern term of art, should have prevented the soldiers from shooting.  Hinkley also describes where Gray's body was carried after he was killed, and indeed Dr. Loring's shop was quite near the Post Office on the other side of King-street where Charles Hobby said he had followed the body with the round hat.

Defense attorney John Adams dismissed the crowd that night as "a motley rabble of saucy boys, negros and molattoes, Irish teagues and outlandish jack tarrs."  Which of these descriptions fits Samuel Gray, about whom not much more is known for certain save that he was a native Bostonian of English stock and a laborer at John Gray's ropewalk? 
The most famous contemporary engravings of the Massacre by Pelham and Revere depict Gray in jacket and trowsers, clothing associated both with sailors and with lower class laborers.  Aside from the round hat described by Hobby, Gray might have worn any of the clothing of the period usually associated with those of the lower sort in Boston or with sailors familiar with rope work.  Jackets were very common among among these groups, as well as linen trowsers, sometimes worn over breeches and long stockings.  There was a foot of snow in the streets on March 5th, 1770, so it is likely that an under jacket was worn as well.

As to whether Gray had a stick, only one witness during the trial proceedings recalled that he had one, and that was young Benjamin Davis, Jr. who was not at the Massacre site when the shooting took place.  Hinkley, a defense witness, stated that he did not think Gray had anything in his hand.  Langford said that he had no weapon of any kind, not even a snow ball.

Samuel Gray after Pelham/Revere

My interpretation of Samuel Gray, above, is a nod to Revere and makes use of my 1760-1780 American merchant seaman impression.   There will also be a new striped calimanco under jacket, but to see that you'll need to wait for pictures from the upcoming Massacre reenactment, Saturday March 5, 2016.