The Memoirs of Ebenezer Foot, Revolutionary War Veteran (Part II)

[Part I can be read here]

After I got home my Master received my wages and I continued to work for him until April, at which time I was twenty one years of age.  I then worked two months with Mr. Wells, received my wages and went to Colchester, where I informed my father of my inclination to go to sea.  He appeared Rather Mortified at my Resolution, but to demonstrate that he wished my success he proposed my Postponing the Measure until he could provide me with necceries [neccesities], and engage a birth on board some Vessel, commanded by a man of good Character, he accordingly went to New London and engaged the Steward’s place for me on board the Industrious Bee [1.] , Privateer, commanded by Captain George Allen [2.] of [Providence] Rhode Island.  I embarked on board and engaged for a cruise of 6 months.  We had not been long out of port, until I had occasion to suspect our Commander was not a man of Courage.  After the novelty of the business I was engaged in, had subsided, and I began to reflect on my employment, being only a licensed Robber, and associated with some of the most infamous characters on Earth, our crew of 80 men consisting of some of the most abandoned rascals of all Nations, I grew heartily sick of my situation, and on falling in with the French Fleet under the command of Comte de Estang (sic), I obtained my discharge of the Captain and accompanied the French Fleet into the harbor of New-Port, where I continued until the retreat & disaster that Befel (sic) the Fleet in the Storm off the Coast.  After arriving at Boston with the ships dismasted and shattered, I returned to my father Moneyless, and ashamed of the employment I had been engaged in, and sincerely hope none of my Posterity will ever engage in Robbing and Plundering their fellow Creatures, on account of it being sanctioned by law or custom – It is in my opinion both wicked and base. 



After residing at my father about two weeks, I was employed by Col. Henry Champion in the Purchasing Commissary Department [Champion was made Commissary General in May, 1781, which does not accord with the timeline of this narrative], and being ordered to camp to receive Beef Cattle and deliver to the Army  I contracted an acquaintance with a number of Respectable Military Characters – being stationed in the county of Westchester in the winter of 1778 -9.  I contracted an acquaintance with Jerusha Purdy [of Yorktown, Westchester County, New York], who I married the October following.  The Enemy that summer having ravaged almost the whole Country, I removed her to my Father’s in Connecticut, where I left her and returned to Camp.  The winter following winter I was stationed at Fish Kill – appointed Superintendent of Live Stock for the whole army, in which station I continued until the Purchasing Commissaries Department was abolished in 1782.  I then returned to Crumpond [Crum Pond village, now part of Yorktown, NY] resided with my wife in the house of her Brother.  I being unqualified in some degree to Labour by habits [imbibed?] in the Army, concluded to commence trader or merchant, and began to traffic in such line as my finances would enable, which to be sure was not large, having very little Property at my Command.  My accounts being unsettled, and the greater part of the property bequeathed to my wife being destroyed, and sunk in paper Money,  I however made shift to support myself and her without getting into debt – until the year 1784 at which time my accounts were settled, and I had the pleasure to procure sufficient vouchers for all the Public property that was ever committed to my care, and rec’d a certificate from the Commissioners for settling the Public accounts certifying that there was due to me 3795 dollars and 55-90^th of a dollar, to which sum I was entitled to at an Interest rate of 6 per cent pr annum.  This was the amount of all my property & was hardly earned by faithful services performed for my Country.  I contemplated having justice done me by my Country, and ventured to embark in trade on a much larger scale than I had hitherto done – this proved my ruin as to Property.”

[1.]  Industrious Bee is listed, briefly, as a Rhode Island privateer, George Allen, Master, in William P. Sheffield's 1882 address to the Rhode Island Historical Society entitled Rhode Island Privateers and Privateersmen.  This in not to be confused with the prize Brigantine "Industrious Bee" that was bought into Continental service and renamed "General Gates".

[2.]  George Allen is an elusive figure.  He may also have been the Master of another equally difficult to document Rhode Island privateer, "Opdyke."

The Memoirs of Ebenezer Foote, Connecticut Revolutionary War Veteran (Part I)

The following [annotated] transcript was copied from the voluminous veteran's pension claim on the Revolutionary War service of Ebenezer Foote (1756 - 1829) of Colchester Connecticut.  It is a lively and engaging account of service on land and sea, with anecdotes of incidents during the Siege of Boston, the defense of Long Island and the loss of Manhattan, and subsequent service on a Rhode Island privateer, with the French Fleet off Newport, and in the Commissary Department in Westchester County, New York.  Some of Foote's quite detailed account can be independently corroborated.  I have tried to transcribe it accurately, with only minor standardization of spelling and adding paragraph breaks where they assist the narrative.  I have divided it into two parts and will post them sequentially.

“Memoirs of the Life of Ebenezer Foote” [Siege of Boston 1776, New York-Trenton 1776]

I was the 6^th child of Daniel Foote, the son of Nathaniel, whose father came from Durham in England and settled in a town of the same name in Connecticut.  My grandfather was one of the proprietors, and first settlers of the town of Colchester where I was born on the 12^th day of April, 1756.  My father having a numerous family, and barely possessing a competency to support them was unable to give his children an education equal to their wishes, They were however taught to read and write a legible hand I was allowed to go to school until I was eleven years old , after which I never was at school a day.  When I was in my tenth year, having a desire to see the world, I left my Father’s house in the night and traveled to New London, a seaport town about 20 miles distant, with an intent to embark for the West Indies with my oldest brother, but after spending two nights in a barn in the month of December, the Captain discovered and sent me back to my father, who received me without correction, a think rather uncommon as he was severe in his discipline.

The following Spring I was sent alone and on foot to Brookfield, in order to learn the trade of House Carpenter & Chaise Maker of one Hitchcock, a relative of my Mother’s, he being a morose, unjovial fellow, I soon got sick of him and his trade.  In the Fall I had a severe fit of the bilious Cholic (sp), which nearly deprived me of life, but getting better My Father sent for Me home.  In the Spring I was bound an apprentice to one Chamberlin of East Windsor to learn the trade of Hat Makeing (sp), where I continued to serve him faithfully until the year 1775, when the unhappy affair at Lexington announced the approaching war.  By consent of my Master I enlisted as a private soldier in [Lt.-Col] Col.  George Pitkin’s Company [of Hinman’s 4^th Connecticut Regt.] and arrived at Camp at Roxbury, time enough to share in the famous Battle of Bunker Hill, where the brave Warren fell.  Just after the British entered the works, after we retreated from the Hill, I repaired immediately to Roxbury and joined my Company, where I was severely reprimanded for absenting myself and going to Cambridge and Bunker Hill without leave of my officers.

During the Campaign but few opportunities offered of seeing the enemy out of their entrenchments, and being a private soldier I had no means of gratifying the inclination I then felt.    However one afternoon I got leave to go out in Boston bay a fishing with two others of the company in two whale Boats.  During the time we were a fishing, I discovered a few of the British on Moon Island [in Quincy Bay], and after a little persuasion prevailed on my comrades to land, which we did, and found the enemy consisting of a Sergeant’s guard on the retreat, we proceeded on and set fire to about 40 thousand Rails and 20 tons of hay they had collected to carry to Boston.  The alarm was given and boats were dispatched by the Boyne ship of war [3^rd Rate, Captain Hartwell] and the Castle.  My comrades by the persuasion of one [Aaron] Olmsted the Adjutant embarked while I was setting fire to the furthermost bale of Hay, and left me, but on coming to the point and calling to them one boat returned and we got safe to Squantum [in Quincy] though the British were very near overtaking us, and kept up a heavy fire which generally went over us.  The Troops on shore were alarmed & paraded on our landing.  The officers after enquiring (sp) the Cause of alarm gave me a severe reprimand and ordered that I should go no more on fishing voyages, as the whole was charged to my account. 

The next Spring I went a volunteer on Dorchester Point, when the first works were erected on that and Nook Point, where I stayed seven days and caught a violent cold which almost deprived me of my eye sight for 2 months.  Our terms of enlistment being expired, I returned Home and settled with my Master who received all my wages and bounty money. I worked about six weeks at my trade, and then enlisted in Captain Simon Woolcots Company [of Fisher Gay's Regiment of Connecticut Levies]  raised in East Windsor to go to New York, I set out in capacity of Corporal.  After we arrived at New York I was ordered by the Col. Fisher Gay to learn the officers of the Regiment the Manual Exercise, which I found was a very hard task, as they were generally very ignorant and by no means willing to submit to discipline, being generally old honest Farmers who thought it inconsistent with the character for freemen to submit to the strict discipline necessary to form the character of a soldier.  I was however releived (sic) from that duty about two weeks after we were ordered on Long Island, as the British landed there and gave us other business to transact. 

The night that it was said the British were landing there was a most violent Thunder storm, and there being no artillerymen at Brooklyn, I turned out a volunteer with others to assist Captain [Thomas?] Randall [of the 3rd Continental Artillery?] in taking 2 Brass 6 pounders and one nine inch Brass Howitzer to Graves End in order to oppose the landing of the British.  We had a Horrid night of it, being obliged to draw the pieces ourselves, and the frequent flashes of Lightning rendering us blind to the road.  We arrived at the high ground near Graves End, about 4 oclock in the Morning, where we continued until the next day, when we were ordered to occupy the high ground to the Eastward overlooking the flat land [Flat Bush] near the church, which station we kept until the battle of Long Island, frequently going down and fireing (sic) on the British, at and near the Church.  In one of those excursions we were covered by a party of Rifle men under the command of Maj. Green [ I have been unable to positively identity this officer] , and had orders to burn the wheat stacks where the enimy’s (sic) picket guard was kept, which was performed, but not without the loss of some men killed, and a few men wounded amongst which was Maj. Green and Captain Thompson [I am unable to positively identity these officers or their unit(s)] of the Rifle Men, we had one of our guns dismounted by a shot, which struck the barrel over the trunnion (sic), but we saved it.  Our howitzer was struck on one side of the muzzle by a shot and battered 6 inches.  Three horses we had received the day before were killed, so that we were obliged once more to draw our pieces back by hand. 


Soon after the Enemy made a general attack on the advance part of our army, in which we were driven back to our lines with the loss of our field artillery, and some of our best troops.  The seven succeeding days our duty was constant and very fatiguing, being obliged to stand great part of the time in the water up to our Middle and being kept under arms night and day, until we retreated from the Island which happily effected with very little loss although the enemy pressed our rear very hard and fired on the boats from the shore.  I being overcome with fatigue and want of sleep, set myself down by the side of a stoop near the Fly Market [at Dock St. a block from the Long Island Ferry] and fell asleep.  In the afternoon when I woke up I found myself at least 2 rods from the place where I sat down, without discovering when I was removed. Three days later this our Regiment was all ordered on guard to Turtle Bay and the Marsh south of it, we took our posts about sunset, at 12 oclock at night we discovered four or five of the Enemys (sic) ships under way coming up the East River, they passed us and came to anchor in Turtle Bay, on the morning of 15^th September we were ordered into a small ditch opposite the above ships within half pistol shot of two of them, we got possession of our ground just before sunrise and could with truth say that a worse place was never occupied by any troop, The ditch was so narrow that two could not lay abreast in it, nor could we cover ourselves from the Enemies Musquetry.  When we were flat on the ground in the bottom our our Intrenchment (as it was termed) consequently we lost a number of Men during the time of the Enemies landing, which commenced about 10 oclock in the morning and was completed about 1 oclock P.M. during all which time a most tremendous fire was kept up by all the ships, five in number, though fortunately for us their Common shot were all directed over us and we were annoyed only with small arms and swivels which however killed and wounded an great number of our men.  About half an hour after they had landed their last Division the Shiping ceased  fireing (sic) upon which all our troops who were able, left the ditch and marched up the Hill in the utmost confusion and disorder, the men being almost famished with hunger and thirst, were More desirous of allaying it than of preparing to defend themselves against the enemy they knew was in their rear.  Consequently as soon as we had reached the level ground on top of the hill and were all trying to get water from a Neighboring well, The Hessian Grenadiers who had been concealed in a thick wood adjoining the orchard in which we were began the attack, and in about 15 minutes the whole regiment were cut to pieces and made prisoners, except as few cowardly souls who quit their ground the first onset, and with the Brigadier General and Major made their escape.  The General name was [James] Wadsworth from Durham in Connecticut, and the Major’s name was [Edward] Mott [ of Gay's Regiment] from Plainfield in the same State, and two greater Poltroons never has commissions.  After the enemy had done killing those who they though refractory, they Marched on toward the City with their prisoners of which I was one. 



We were extremely ill used and not allowed either victuals or drink that day.  At night the[y] were shut up in Bridwell [Prison, located at what is now City Hall Park] and a Guard of Hessians placed on the outside of the yard.  Myself and eleven others watching an opportunity when the Guard were carousing, and inattentive, made an escape over the fence, and proceeded along the Bank of the North River as far as Greenwich in hopes of getting a boat in which we might cross the River, the whole of us being strangers to the way to King’s Bridge, we were however disappointed there being none to be found, we then held a consultation what to do, and finally a large majority agreed to go back and give themselves up, but Myself and one John Wood Sergeant Major of the Regiment [ Col. Gay's, enlisted June 24, 1776, discharged Dec 29th, 1776] determined on attempting an escape by way of the River we took an affectionate leave of our fellow prisoners who accompanied us to the waters edge and saw us set off on each of us a Pine Board numbers of which lay near the River, and after about Five and a half hours exertion we had the good fortune to reach the Jersey Shore at a village called  Communipaw below Powles Hook, but at the time of our landing I was so Much exhausted that I could not stand & had it not been for the assistance of my Comrade, who was a stout hearty man, I could never have landed, by his assistance I got to a House near the waters Edge, where by being dried by the fire & having my body & limbs rubbed, I recovered strength sufficient to set off from thence a little before day light.  The good man at whose house we were gave us a little Milk which was the only nourishment I had taken for more than 48 hours, except my own urine and the Salt water out of the River.  He also gave us such directions as enabled us to cross the Marsh and get into Bergen Wood before day light. 

About 10 oclock in the Morning we arrived at the English Neighbourhood where we got refreshment & found many sick belonging to the Army.  In the Afternoon we crossed the River at Fort Washington and joined the army again, where I continued through all the fatigues and hardships until after the Hessians were taken at Trenton with no other clothing but what I had on when I crossed the [River] consisted of a Shirt, Hat, overalls, one Flow’d vest, Handkerchief & pair of old Linen Stockings – General Washington discharged us with his thanks after taking the Hessians at Trenton, and I arrived in Connecticut on the 7^th day of February – From the 15^th of September my shirt had never been washed without being put on again wet, or I had remained naked until it was dry, and the greater part of the time I was tormented with Lice & the Itch.  
[Part 2 continues here]

A Memorial for Litchfield's Soldiers of the Revolutionary War

Americans did not erect statues of Continental soldiers in their town squares in the decades following the American Revolution, nor list the names of their war dead on pedestals.  Such commemorations belong to a later time and reflect the sensibilities and mourning customs of the 19^th and 20^th centuries.  The revolutionary generation had other priorities after the war.

It is true that Congress authorized a memorial in January, 1776 to the fallen Brigadier General Montgomery, and had Benjamin Franklin oversee the contract with a French sculptor, but it honored one individual and was installed in 1788 within New York’s St. Paul’s chapel rather than the public square.  The Prison Ship Martyrs monument began in 1808 as a modest effort to collect and inter the bones of those who had died on prison ships in Wallout Bay, but the crypt and memorial were relocated and redesigned on an increasingly grand scale in 1867, 1873 and 1908. 


Like many New England communities, Litchfield Connecticut has a number of war memorials on its Town Green, as well as a monument to the 2^nd CT Heavy Artillery near the field where the regiment mustered in 1862. Aside from a tree planted in 1902 on Arbor Day by the Mary Floyd Tallmage Chapter of the Daughters of the American Revolution, there is nothing on the Green dedicated to the memory of the men of Litchfield who served in the Revolution.   There is now an effort in the community to erect such a monument, anticipating Litchfield’s tercentenary in 2019, and I have been invited to assist.


There are a number of challenges to overcome, in addition to the financial cost of commissioning a new memorial and the intricacies of the various stakeholder interests involved in its design and approval.  There is also the question of which names should be included on the monument.  It becomes a problem of geography, of documentation, and above all of accuracy, for what we write in stone has authority.


The D.A.R. compiled a list in 1912 of 507 names associated with Litchfield on its Honor Roll of Revolutionary War soldiers, including reference citations for each name.  Among these are men like Ethan Allen who were born here but moved away and whose service is associated with other places.  It also includes prominent veterans like Benjamin Tallmage who moved to Litchfield after the war and whose notable service gave luster to the community.  Some of the men on the list served with distinction, while others deserted.  Some died in service.  Some served from Morris that was once part of Litchfield but was later incorporated with the name of one of its illustrious veterans.   Some men, though perhaps not very many, should have been included on the Honor Roll as veterans from Litchfield but were not.  This will all have to be sorted out.


Names on a plaque do not tell the story.   30 men from Litchfield in a company of 36 either died during the capture of Fort Washington in November, 1776, or of disease and neglect in captivity over the next few months.  Several more were missing in action at Germantown with no record of subsequent captivity.  One, a man of 78 years, responded to the Danbury Alarm and was shot in the head after helping pursue the Crown forces back to Long Island Sound.  One died in the taking of Stony Point.  One served in the Carolinas and fought at Guildford Court House and the Siege of Ninety Six.  One transferred from the 5^th Connecticut to the Georgia battalion in 1777 and may have previously been a British deserter.  One was a bombardier with Lamb’s Artillery.  One was carried half a mile by his brother before being captured after Germantown.  Three were African Americans.  Ten received supplies for their families as part of an enlistment incentive in 1777.


In subsequent posts, I will share some of their stories.

Matthias Williamson jr. describes his Service During Sullivan's Staten Island Raid, 1777

Sometimes you find unexpected gold in the pension files of Revolutionary War veterans. Deputy Quartermaster Matthias Williamson, Jr. of Elizabeth, NJ, for instance, left a detailed description of his involvement with Colonel Matthias Ogden's detachment of New Jersey Continentals during Sullivan's Staten Island Raid in August, 1777.

"…In August in the year 1777 this applicant was called upon by Colonel Matthias Ogden and requested to provide boats for a detachment of the army under the command of General Sullivan who was to cross over from Elizabethtown Point to Staten Island to endeavor to make prisoners of a [New Jersey loyalist] regiment at Decker’s Ferry on the North side of the Island and that Colonel Matthias Ogden with two of the Jersey Regiments and a considerable body of the militia under Colonel Frelinghuysen were to cross at Blazing Star at Woodbridge to Staten Island where Colonel Dongan’s and Colonel Lawrence’s [New Jersey loyalist] regiments were posted. That he depended upon the applicant to provide boats for General Sullivan’s detachment and that he Colonel Matthias Ogden would obtain those wanted at the Blazing Star for his troops. This applicant proceeded to Newark and with difficulty prevailed upon Captain Pierson to collect his men and remove the boats that night with muffled oars to prevent a discovery by the enemy, all of which he affected with success in (season?). This applicant reached Blazing Star that Evening and reported to Colonel Ogden. About Midnight the troops began to cross and the boats had to make several trips. This applicant went over in the first boat – When all the troops had crossed the Sound & came up to the Highland and all the necessary arrangements were made, this applicant with a sergeant and fifteen privates proceeded to a large barn where the enemy’s guard was kept, and a larger party proceeded to the dwelling house, where Colonel Elisha Lawrence quartered in order to secure him – This applicant with his sergeant and men rushed into the barn, surprised the guard and made them prisoners, ten in number with their arms, not one escaping – leaving the prisoners under the charge of the Sergeant, this applicant went to the dwelling house and found Colonel Lawrence had made his escape. This applicant obtained a horse from a soldier with a bridle, but no saddle, and pursued three of the enemy running for the woods, when within a few yards of them they attempted to hide themselves in the bushes. This applicant called them to come out and surrender, promised them they should be well treated – They came out and surrendered. Some of our soldiers coming up took charge of them. Your applicant overtook two more of them with their muskets not loaded, they surrendered declaring it was their intention to desert. They were delivered up to Colonel Frelinghuysen and his party. Most of the enemy that had escaped (next?) appeared [on] a Hill which was their usual place of Parade. Colonel Matthias Ogden with his regiment advanced & engaged them. After one fire they fled and were pursued, some of the stragglers were taken and Colonel Lawrence was captured in a dwelling house with a considerable quantity of clothing in a store. Colonel Ogden’s report amounted to One hundred and twenty prisoners besides Colonel Lawrence and Colonel Dongan, another Refugee Officer, was killed on the same day making an attack (afterwards) on the rear of General Sullivan’s detachment...”

This is the most complete description I have found by a participant in this action of the procurement of the boats and the capture of Col. Lawrence's (loyalist) 1st NJV.  Among its revelations, Williamson's Pension Declaration describes some of the movements of the NJ Militia under Frelinghuysen, and Matthias Ogden's volley that dispersed the loyalists who were attempting to rally after the initial surprise attack.  The matter of the boats was very significant, as they were utterly inadequate to evacuate a larger body of men under General Sullivan during the closing phase of the raid.  Williamson is clear about limiting his responsibility for procurement only to those vessels needed for Sullivan to cross over, and that Colonel Ogden saw to those needed for his force at Blazing Star.  The boats from Sullivan's crossing never made it to where Ogden had landed for when the combined forces had planned to leave the Island.

Captain Pierson was probably Jonathan Pierson of Spencer's additional regiment.  There are other NJ Pierson's who were officers but none of the right rank and in service at this time. 

Matthias Williamson's father, for whom he was named, was Brigadier General of NJ militia during 1776 and wore himself out trying to supply men and equipment to the Flying Camp.  The elder Williamson is my direct ancestor.  His daughter married Jonathan Dayton, son of Col. Elias Dayton of the 3rd NJ and a signer of the Constitution.

Letter from the Forage War Sheds Light on a Forgotten Skirmish

I recently came upon a letter in the Collections of the Connecticut Historical Society written by New Jersey Brigadier General William Maxwell after a one of the many skirmishes of the so-called Forage War during the American Revolution.  The action took place on January 23, 1777 near Woodbridge, New Jersey, between Continental (and quite possibly militia forces) and a column of wagons escorted by two British regiments.  In his letter, transcribed by me below, General Maxwell chastises a Colonel Potter for not taking part in the skirmish:

"Westfield January 25^th, 1777

Dear Colonel

I am really sorry that you with your Troops had not a share in the honour of the 23d for the enemy has got a very severe rub; their two Colo. & Commanders one killed the other severely wounded, 5 men left in one house and seven in another to our mercy, and one dead one left they could find, alto the wounded that could march did it; their ammunition wagons and chairs was stowed full as they could hold and we had not a man wounded and all performed with less than 200 men.  200 men of ours never came up to the action.  Had they come up we must have made them all prisoners.

The enemy is expected up today from Amboy.  I hope you with your troops will after breakfast to day, or a soon as you receive this, will proceed to Colo. Buckner’s Quarters.  I hope to Joyn (sic) you myself and if they come between us and Matesching Meeting House we will try to give them an uneasy passage.

I am Dear Colo. your most Humble servant

Wm Maxwell"
Maxwell, though a New Jersey Continental General, was at this time coordinating with both state troops from the New Jersey militia and with Continental Army forces from other states.  It was a time of great confusion, as East Jersey was still occupied by the Crown Forces and most Continental Army units were recruiting and reforming after the Battles of Trenton and Princeton.  The Colonel Buckner referenced in Maxwell's letter was Mordecai Buckner of the 6th Virginia Regiment.    Colonel David Potter, the recipient of Maxwell's letter, was, commander of the 2nd Battalion of Cumberland County (NJ) Militia, now serving as state troops far from their homes in southern New Jersey.

Potter's absence from the fight was regrettable, but Buckner's was criminal.

 In a letter to John Hancock on January 26th, 1777, Washington fails to mention Maxwell at all in connection with this skirmish, and gives credit to Buckner's Major (soon to be Lt. Colonel) Richard Parker for leading the advance while Buckner failed to come up in support.

   "On the 23d., a party of 400 of our Men under Col Buckner fell in with two Regiments of the Enemy, conveying a Number of Waggons from Brunswick to Amboy. Our advanced party under Colo. Parker engaged them with great Bravery, upwards of twenty Minutes, during which time the Colo Commandant was killed and the second in Command Mortally wounded. The people living near the Field of Action, say, their killed and wounded were considerable. We only lost two men who were made prisoners. Had Col Buckner come up with the main body, Colo. Parker and the other Officers think we should have put them to the rout, as their confusion was very great, and their ground disadvantageous. I have ordered Buckner under Arrest and shall bring him to tryal, to answer for so extraordinary a piece of Conduct."

Washington wrote to New Jersey Governor William Livingston on February 3, 1777, in which he provided a further account of the fight at Woodbridge and again failed to mention Maxwell.

"we have had two Skirmishes with large Bodies of the Enemy in which they have little to Boast of and would have had less, had not a Colo. of ours behaved Ill in each for which they are now under Arrest. In the first, two of their Regiments were opposed by our advanced Party of 160 Men, who behaved well, and if supported by the Main Body of about 260. under command of Colo. Buckner, would have done."

Buckner requested the right to resign his commission, but Washington insisted on a court martial:

    "Sir: It is not in my power to comply with your request on three Accounts, yourself, the Country at large, and the State you come from, Were the matter to remain undetermined, your Reputation must be ruined; at all events, every Officer would have reason to expect equal favor, and I shall be justly taxed with partiality. Would you reflect on the Impropriety of your Petition, you would certainly withdraw it. Resolved as I am to reward merit, and punish demerit, I shall refer your case to the judgment of a Court Martial, and shall be happy to hear that it acquits you. I am, etc."Buckner was tried at a Court Martial convened in Chatham, New Jersey under Major General Arthur St. Clair, though Washington's letters record that "Colo Buckner of the 6th Virginia Regiment who was under Arrest upon a charge of cowardice, broke his parole and went over to Bucks County, I suppose with an intent to make his Escape, but I dispatched a Troop of light Horse after him, who brought him back yesterday, and he is to take his tryal on Friday."  he was duly cashiered on February 9th having been found guilty of "Shamefully Misbehaving before the Enemy, in the Action of the 23rd. of Jan'y last" and of "Quitting his post and party in time of engagement."

Lt. Colonel Richard Parker clearly distinguished himself at the Woodbridge fight, and most contemporary accounts credit Parker with the victory.  Based on his letter to Colonel Potter, one might easily assume that Maxwell had been present, but a letter from Washington to Joseph Reed on January 24th strongly suggests he was unable to take part because his militia forces failed to arrive as ordered:

"Had there not been some mistake in point of time for marching the several brigades that were ordered upon that service, and particularly in delivering an order to General Varnum, I believe the rear of General Howe’s troops might have been a little rougher handled than they were, for if an express who went to General Maxwell the evening before had reached him in time to co-operate upon the enemy’s flank, for which purpose he was sent down the day before with a respectable force, very good consequences might have resulted from it; however, it is too late to remedy these mistakes"

It certainly sounds as if Maxwell had been meant to take part in the action of the 23rd but the absence of Potter's militia left only Parker to harass the enemy column and wagons.   Parker would serve under Maxwell once more later that year during the Brandywine campaign as part of his provisional light infantry corps. 

The identity of the two British foraging units they engaged near Woodbridge requires some sleuthing to establish based on fragmentary and contradictory records.   Rivington's New York Gazette and Weekly Mercury reported guardedly in its January 27, 1777 issue:

"A Skirmish has happened in the Jerseys between a foraging Party of the King's Troops and a Large Body of the rebels, in which it is reported, we have lost several waggons, but no authentic Particulars are come to hand."

Robert Prescott (1726 - 1815)

I am indebted to Todd Braisted who located an "Extract of a Letter from a Gentleman of Character at Morris-Town, to his Friend here [Boston] dated Jan. 30" printed The Freeman's Journal or New-Hampshire Gazette of Portsmouth, February 25, 1777.  This letter identifies the British units involved as the 28th and 37th Regiments, and is probably the source for this same information that appears in an 1810  Massachusetts Historical Society publication.  Based on theses sources, about 600 royalists formed the wagon escort moving from Brunswick to Amboy that was attacked on January 23rd near Woodbridge.   Both claim that a "Colonel Preston" was killed, though according to Todd there was no such British Colonel Preston in America.  Yet Maxwell's own letter says the regiments' "two Colo. & Commanders" were casualties, with one a fatality.

The commander of the 28th Regiment at this time was Lt. Colonel Robert Prescott, whose name is quite similar to Preston.  He survived the war, however, and I have not located any account of his wounding.   After the war went on to be a Major General by 1789 and ultimately was Governor-in-Chief of British North America in 1796.

As for the 37th Regiment, it was stationed in Rhode Island on January 23, 1777 so it is unlikely that it was the other British unit that took part in the fight near Woodbridge, NJ.  One can only surmise that someone confused the unit designation, perhaps mistaking the 33rd Regiment of foot, for example, which was based at that time in Amboy, New Jersey under Lt. Colonel James Webster, for the 37th.

Wounded Warriors: New Jersey Continental Army Officers Describe their Injuries

Revolutionary War officers were expected to lead from the front and to demonstrate personal courage and unreproachable valor on the battlefield.  During the course of the war, a significant number of the officers in the New Jersey Line were wounded or killed in action.  Some of those who survived their injuries left first-hand accounts of their experiences, documented in their contemporary correspondence, memoirs and applications for pensions and other considerations based on wartime disabilities.

Maj. Joseph Bloomfield of 3rd NJ Regiment was wounded in the arm at Brandywine.  A letter from him written to Colonel Elias Dayton of October 11th, 1777 while at Pitts Grove, Salem County, NJ survives in the Gilder Lehrman Collection (#: GLC01450.455).  

Bloomfield told Dayton that this letter was his first opportunity to write since the battle nearly a month before, but that he hoped to rejoin Dayton once he was able to ride without pain.  His escape from Brandywine and convalescence had proved quite an ordeal for the young Major, who recounted that he had been unable to ride to Chester, Pennsylvania during the retreat from Brandywine due to loss of blood, and crossed the Delaware River at Marcus Hook to avoid being captured.

"...My wound was not dressed till late Saturday night, being 52 hours after I received it, 23 hours of the time it bled, which with the Inflamation of my arm brought on a violent fever that - lasted fourteen days, when the swelling subsided & the wound began to heal - [illegible] 2d ins: 12,00 of the Enemy came over to the Jerseys in order to take Billingsport, the motley crew of militia to the amot. of 350 [inserted: under new castle] pretended to make a stand about 50 yards from Dr. Otto’s where I then lay, but, whilst I was preparing to move my quarters, the militia retreated (Helter - Skelter) and your major in the midst of them, The Enemy playing their artillery incessantly, [struck: having] [inserted: at] the same time their Infantry had almost surrounded us, but the militia eminently distinguished themselves by the swiftness of their heals (many but running my horse which I galloped briskly) till they got over [inserted: Mantis] Bridge which they took up & 3 or 400 yds from it made a stand - for my part I took into the Pines, part of the Enemy followed the road I took five miles - the day after I hired a wagon & came to this place. The healing of my wound being not a little retarded by my late retreat in which I suffered a good deal of pain in riding, & my arm not being dressed for three days - Though this wound is now in a fair way of healing. Yet I cannot bend my arm or stir my fingers without great pain -Dr. Harris who attends me says it is probable it will be Six or Eight months before I have the use of my arm, which discourages me very much…"

Bloomfield's wound proved slow to heal.  While he did eventually rejoin his unit at was present at the Battle of Monmouth, he left the army early in 1779. 

Staff officers were especially vulnerable as they performed their duties.   New Jersey Brigade-Major Aaron Ogden of the 1st NJ, in his 3rd person memoir, described how he was wounded during a British Raid on Elizabethtown, NJ, in February, 1779 :

"Major Ogden was sleeping in the same room with General Maxwell who commanded the Brigade, when the Field Officers of the Day rode up to the General's quarters, and informed him that one of the pickets had heard the rowing of many boats, round Bergen Point up Newark Bay.  Major Ogden knowing there was no picket on the road leading from the salt meadows on this bay, volunteered his services to reconnoitre that road. On approaching the house next to the meadows, he observed it in a light, & slackened the pace of his horse.  The night was remarkably dark and he found himself, without perceiving it among British soldiers and among the reach of a British Sentinel who ordered him to dismount.  Major Ogden, determined at all hazards to alarm the garrison, immediately wheeled and put spurs to his horse expecting a shot, but in this he was disappointed, and instead of a shot he received from another sentinel, a thrust with a bayonet into his Chest, below the short ribs.  He had strength nevertheless to reach the garrison, about two miles distant, and give to it the alarm.  On his return General Maxwell observed "that the pitcher that often goes down the well, will come back broken at last."  However by frequent copious bleedings inflammation was prevented, and Major ogden recovered from his wound, which well nigh proved fatal to him."

Lt. Colonel Francis Barber of the 3rd NJ was acting as Inspector of Lord Stirling's Division during the Battle of Monmouth when he was shot through the body.  Barely a fortnight later, he was running agents from his  Elizabethtown, New Jersey bedside and providing Washington with intelligence on the enemy.  In a letter written on October 9th, 1778 to Major General William Alexander "Lord Stirling", Barber rather casually describes his convalescence while focusing on his efforts to protect the town in the absence of the New Jersey regiments.

 "My Lord, When Colo Dayton received Orders to March for Second-River, I was, unhappily, under the necessity of remaining in Town, on account of my wound, which continues to discharge small pieces of Rib. I collected a number of Stragglers and Invalids of the Brigade and a few militia of the towns with these. I have kept guard from day to day. I was induced to this from a desire to lessen the Fears of the good people of the place as also to alarm the Country should the Enemy commence an Expedition against this Quarter where I think there remains so capital an object..."

 Barber was wounded twice more during the war, receiving a slight head wound at Newtown in August, 1779 while serving as General Sullivan's Adjutant General for the expedition against the Iroquois,  and then as commander of a Light Infantry Battalion in 1781 he took a facial wound in the storming of Redoubt 10 during the Siege of Yorktown.   He survived to the very end of the war, when he was struck and killed when a tree that was being felled by a work detail crushed him and his horse as they were passing beneath.

Captain Daniel Baldwin of the 1st NJ was among the many casualties sustained by New Jersey regiments during the Battle of Germantown.  to President James Madison.   Baldwin was struck in the leg by a musket ball during the assault on the Chew House "Cliveden", and his leg was subsequently amputated.  Both he and his wife Phebe later  petitioned President Washington by letter for assistance.

"’tis an injury that none can feel but the Sufferer" Phebe stated in her letter of 1790 "...As it remains in your power, I pray Sir, you will cause the payment to be made querterly instead of yearly as allmost one half of the Money remains in the hands of the Brokers by the time it becomes due. I write without the knowledge of my husband but pray that you Sir, as Father of the People, will do every thing in your power, to keep us from Suffering in a Land of Plenty."

Captain Baldwin was still seeking presidential assistance two decades later, when he wrote to President Madison.

Newark, May 29, 1809.

Sir,

Tho’ I have not the pleasure of being personally acquainted with you—yet, being a Soldier of ’76, and beleiving you to be the friend of such, I take this method to make myself known, and beg you to excuse the liberty.
I had the honor of bearing a Captains commission in the first New-Jersey Rigiment, during the Revolutionary War; and of sharing in the hottest conflicts and troubles of my country, from the walls of Quebec, to the commencement of peace. At the bloody affair of Germantown, I lost most of my men, with my left leg; on the stump of which, with the help of a stick, I am still able to make a slow march.
According to a late law, the Secretary at War was invested with power to issue land warrents, for a limited season, to persons who had claims on the estates of deceased Soldiers.As such, I have taken out letters of administration, upon the estates of Some of my Soldiers, who fell at the Battle of Germantown, and who were indepted to me for monies lent. One of them, a Martin Hurley, was wounded at Germantown; and taken prisoner by the British, and hung on the commons at Philadelphia: His will he left to my Leiutenant; which, together with my letters of Administration, I have sent to Mr. Rodney, attorney General. I have taken my measures according to law, and to the direction of G. Dear-bourn, which promised a speedy and favorable issue to my just demands. I was at the great trouble and expence of going to Washington, in hopes of having it speedily accomplished. But it still remains unsettled, notwithstanding all I have done. And now, Sir, as the last resourse; having lost all my old fellow officers, who often stood by me in the hour of distress—I appeal to you, as the first magistrate, and patron of this country, and solicit your friendship: Aid me to obtain my just demands, and to provide for a large and growing family, who have nothing to depend upon but the scanty pension given me for the blood I spilt—And you shall have our prayers for your prosperity and happiness."

Ensign Asher Levy - Jewish Patriot, Loyalist Spy (or Double Agent)?

From September, 1777 to June 14th, 1779, Asher Levy was first a cadet and later an Ensign in the 1st New Jersey Regiment of the Continental Line.  The name is spelled variously on muster return as Asher/Asser/Ashur and Levy/Lewis, but they all refer to the same person.   His pedigree is clear and he holds the distinction of being the only Jewish officer known to have served in the Jersey Line during the Revolution. 

His otherwise unremarkable service is noteworthy for being called to testify at the court martial of his commanding officer,Colonel Matthias Ogden, in early Spring 1779.  Colonel Ogden was acquitted on all charges but "the pernicious vice of gaming." Levy resigned his commission shortly thereafter, but not before adding his name to a petition from the line officers of the 1st NJ to the Governor to redress grievances about inadequate officer pay and provision. 

Asher Levy also holds the distinction, after leaving the army, of twice being imprisoned in 1780 as an enemy agent and  "notorious villain."  The minutes of the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania from February 22, 1780, include the following seemingly damning reference to Asher Levy:

"A letter from Lieutenant Colonel De Hart [of the 1st New Jersey Regiment] was read, informing the board that one Asher Levy, a person of disaffected Character, was in this City, and there was great reason to believe he was a spy."

We also have two tantalizing descriptions of him from each of his two jailbreaks that add color, if not clarity, to his story.

"One Thousand Dollars Reward

Made his escape last evening over the gaol wall of Burlington, a certain ASHER LEVY, who was committed as a spy from the enemy, and also for high treason.  He is about five feet seven inches high, about twenty years of age; has short black hair, but wears a false tail: Had on a light colour'd knap great coat, lined with green baize, and a red velvet cape; a white broadcloth jacket, and black knit breeches.  Whosoever secures said villain, and delivers him to me, shall have the above reward paid by

March 25 [1780]                       Joseph Burnes, Gaoler

- New Jersey Gazette Vol. III No. 118, March 29th, 1780"

 After his subsequent recapture, Levy escaped once more, this time making his way to New York.

Burlington August 10th, 1780

Broke out of Burlington gaol last night, two notorious villains:  The one named Joseph Heighton, about 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, about 24 or 25 years of age; had on a lightish coloured jacket without sleeves, a pair of striped overalls and boots; had no coat or hat: the other named Asher Levy, about the same age, about 5 feet 5 or 6 inches high; had on a fashionable hat, brown broadcloth coat, jacket and breeches, a pair of new shoes without buckles.  It is supposed they are gone towards Amboy in order to make their escape to the enemy.   Whosoever takes up and delivers them at the gaol aforesaid, shall have Four Hundred Dollars for each, paid by
                                                   
J. Phillips, Sheriff.

- New Jersey Gazette Vol. III No. 138 August 16th, 1780

Joseph (Hayden) Heighton's concurrent escape with Asher Levy may have been coincidental.  He and his brother Richard Hayden were counterfeiters, and yet another brother Samuel Hayden lead a party of King's Rangers and Loyalist refugees in a raid on Woodbridge, NJ in June 1780 to kidnap some of those who had given evidence against his kin.  Joseph and Richard Hayden ended up in British occupied New York, and in November, 1783 were arrested by the Crown and imprisoned for stealing a horse and chaise.  Villainous company, to be sure, but with no other known connection to Asher Levy after he and Joseph Hayden made their escape from New Jersey.

Levy is described in both newspaper accounts as a young, well dressed man, with estimates of age that comport with his known year of birth (1756).   Asher Levy later married Margaret (Mary) Thom(p)son in occupied New York on May 22nd, 1782 and died just a few years later in Philadelphia.

What are we to make of his reversal of allegiance?  Was he a mere turncoat, or was he something more?  Could he have been a double agent?  We will probably never know, but it is worth delving deeper into what is known about his background to see what it may reveal about his chosen path.

There were fewer than 3,000 Jews in the American Colonies at the outbreak of the Revolution and they maintained close business and family connections.  Asher Levy's family origins and alliances offer potential clues to his behavior during the Revolution.

Levy came from a prosperous Ashkenazic Jewish family with deep roots in North America.  A collateral

Moses Lev y (1665-1728)
was Asher Levy's Grandfather

ancestor and namesake was among the first Jews to settle in New Amsterdam in 1654 and the only one who remained there at the end of Dutch rule despite Peter Stuyvesant's efforts to drive them from the colony. His Grandfather Moses Levy had two marriages and many of the oldest Jewish families in America come from these lines. 

By the mid 1700s, Asher Levy's nearer relations were well established in Pennsylvania.  His Uncle Nathan Levy, in partnership with his cousin David Franks, owned the ship which delivered the Liberty Bell to Pennsylvania in 1752. Asher Levy's father Isaac Levy died in Philadelphia in 1777.

In order to secure even the lowest officer's commission in the 1st NJ, a candidate needed connections.  Ensign Levy appears to have had a very good connection through his sister Esther (Henrietta) Levy's marriage to Matthias Williamson, Jr. (1752-1836), a New Jersey militia Assistant Quartermaster in 1778 but more significantly the son of militia Brigadier General Matthias Williamson of Elizabethtown New Jersey (and coincidently one of my ancestors).  Both Ensign Levy and Matthias Williamson were called to testify in Colonel Ogden's court martial in Elizabethtown in 1779, and as shall be seen, Matthias Williamson Jr. was one of the executor's of Asher Levy's will in 1785.

Oliver De Lancey, Jr.

On the other hand, Asher Levy's Franks relatives included several clear Loyalists.  1st cousin Phila Franks eloped and secretly married non-Jewish Oliver DeLancey, Jr., who would become the senior Loyalist commander during the Revolution.  Her brother David Franks was twice imprisoned in Philadelphia and finally sent through the lines to New York until the end of the war.  His daughter Rebecca Franks was the belle of numerous British balls in occupied Philadelphia during the winter of 1777-1778, and later while in exile in New York married Lt. Col. Henry Johnson of the 17th Foot.

Asher Levy was able to leave New York before the final Peace was ratified and moved to Philadelphia.  If he were truly a "notorious villain", one wonders why a clear patriot, his brother-in-law Matthias Williamson Jr., would have deigned to be an executor of his Will.  Yet here is the summary of Asher Levy's Will, drafted in the fall of 1783 and proved in August 1785.  His wife Margaret (Mary) Thom(p)son, is listed as a witness, and both his sister Esther and brother-in-law Matthias Williamson were his executors.

LEVY, ASHER. Phila. Gentleman.

September 25, 1783. August 12, 1785. T.183.

Sister: Esther [Otherwise called Henrietta].

Exec: Brother-in-Law Matthias Williamson and Sister Esther Levy.

Wit: Margret Thomson, Richard Mount, Callaghan McCarthy.

A couple of months later, the Pennsylvania Packet posted the following notice:

If a certain Asher Levy, son of Mr. Isaac Levy, of the city of Philadelphia, deceased, will apply to the
                 Printer hereof, he will hear of something to his advantage." December 9, 1783

This was in reference to his father's will of 1777, the estate of which remained unsettled as late as 1785.  By then, Asher Levy himself had died.


It is possible that Levy really was a disaffected person, but it is also possible that Lt. Col. De Hart's letter naming him as such was an elaborate cover.  As part of an extensive merchant family he had connections throughout the Western Atlantic from Nova Scotia to Jamaica.  There were plenty of spies managed by the officers of the 1st and 3rd New Jersey Regiments and Levy could have been one of these.  Then again, Colonel Ogden may have been looking for a chance to get rid of him after the court martial testimony.  Until more data comes to light we can only speculate, but there is room for reasonable doubt that his story should be taken at face value.